At the point when obliviousness rules, and idiocy plagues unrestrained, unfortunate viewpoints, and, surprisingly, unfortunate education involves itself in different structures, and with regards to the parts of culture, language, and nationality, generally xenophobia rules, vanquished through disregard, and crude men. One such tribe which has been on some unacceptable side of history for a couple of years presently is the Bengali community, the subnationalism that shine and oversee the cutting edge brains of Bengali individuals is no place illustrative of their past wonders, their previous achievements, and surely not their set of experiences, that has imparted itself to other Eastern peoples of India, for example, the Maithili people. An incredible arrangement folly, lethargy and obliviousness has been administering over the personalities of Bengali peoples, that keeps them from seeing their past, especially their hereditary history. An incredible parcel of Bengalis track down their family line back to the Brahmins from Kannauj, from Mithila, and from Benaras. The composite culture that Bengal envelops, comprises of Hindu deities from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, which are Sitaramachandra, and Radhakrishna, and Hindu identities like Kannauj Brahmins, and Maithili Brahmins, nonetheless, when subnationalism rules, alongside xenophobic instinctive disdain, you just get specific dates of history, and certain accounts of past, surely that is valid for Bengal. In spite of being a backwater state, and a late contestant to the Aryan civilisation, that had its home among Kuru, Panchala, other kingdoms like Kosala, Kasi and Videha, and had sixteen Mahajanapadas in the middle of these kingdoms, after these Vedic realms, Bengal turned into a focusing light of Aryan Hinduism, as transients from Mithila and different locales, improved its way of life, and subsequently, grew freely. In this essay, we will attempt to disentangle the transient history of Bengal, and Mithila's effect on its way of life.
The current section examines the effect of obliviousness and idiocy on human viewpoints, especially concerning society, language, and nationality. With respect to me, I center around the Bengalis, calling attention to how subnationalism and xenophobia have made numerous Bengalis disregard their rich history, remembering their familial roots for Mithila, Kannauj, and Benaras. I additionally contend that Bengal's composite culture, which envelops different Hindu gods, and ethnicities, owes a lot to the transients from Mithila and different regions who enhanced its way of life and assisted it with growing freely.
At the center of this section lies the strain among particularism and universalism, between a thin, parochial perspective on character and a more extensive, more comprehensive one. Concerning me, I propose that subnationalism and xenophobia are side effects of obliviousness and ineptitude, which keep individuals from seeing their own set of experiences and the common legacy that associates them with others. By zeroing in on the Bengali people's genealogical connections to Mithila and different locales, I challenge the tight perspective on Bengali personality and welcome perusers to think about the lavishness and variety of Bengal's social legacy.
One of the focal philosophical inquiries raised by this section concerns the idea of character and its relationship to history. What's the significance here to be Bengali, or Maithili, or Indian, or human? Is personality a fixed, fundamental quality that we acquire from our precursors, or is it a liquid, contingent part of our reality that develops over the long haul? How would we accommodate the particularities of our own character with the all inclusive parts of human instinct and culture? These are complicated inquiries that have involved logicians, antiquarians, and social scholars for a really long time, and there are no simple responses.
One method for moving toward these inquiries is to think about the connection among character and account. Our feeling of character is in many cases established in the tales we tell about ourselves and our people, the stories that shape how we might interpret the past and the present. These accounts can be comprehensive or selective, engaging or impairing, contingent upon how they are developed and deciphered. By analyzing the transient history of Bengal and the effect of Mithila on its way of life, I challenge the predominant story of Bengali character and welcome perusers to consider elective points of view that are more comprehensive and generally grounded.
One more method for moving toward these inquiries is to think about the connection among personality and power. Character isn’t just an issue of individual or social connection yet additionally a political and social build that reflects power relations inside and between cultures. Subnationalism and xenophobia are frequently utilized as devices of force by the individuals who try to avoid or rule others in view of their character. By uncovering the obliviousness and ineptitude that underlie these types of rejection, I challenge the power structures that build them and require a more comprehensive and thorough vision of character.
The following section discusses the influence of Brahmins on the Assamese society and their history in Assam. The Assamese Brahmins (Bamun) were originally priests and were responsible for promoting learning, Vedic religion, and astrology in the temples. The Indo-Aryans of Assam are descendants of early migrants from the Gangetic valley, and Brahmins and Kayasthas came to Assam from Videha (Mithila) and Kannauj. The earliest historical evidence of settlement of Brahmins in Assam comes from epigraphic sources of the Varman dynasty (350–650). During the reign of Nara Narayan (1554-1587) of the Koch dynasty, two Brahmins named Siddhantavagisa and Vidyavagisa were brought from Gauda, and Siddhantavagisa was responsible for spreading Hinduism in the Koch Kingdom. The extract also discusses the influence of Brahmins on the culture and religion of other regions, such as the Khasis, Jaintias, Garos, and Tipperahs, through their religious customs, ceremonies, and priesthood systems.
“Assamese Brahmins (Bamun) are the Brahmins present in the Assamese society. There are two classes in Assam: Bamun and Ganaks. Brahmins were originally priests. Religious worship in temples is generally carried out by them. There they promoted learning, Vedic religion and astrology, as well as imparting general vedic knowledge to the public. The Indo-Aryans of Assam are the descendants of early migrants from the Gangetic valley and a succession of influences, ideas and cultures entered Assam with them. The Brahmins and Kayasthas came to Assam from Videha (Mithila) and Kannauj. The earliest historical evidence of settlement of Brahmins in Assam comes from epigraphic sources of the Varman dynasty (350–650). In the late medieval period beginning with the early 16th century, a number of Brahmins from Mithila, Benaras, Kanauj, Vanga and Puri (Srikshetra), were settled in western Assam by the Koch Kings for performing Brahminical rites. During the reign of Nara Narayan (1554-1587) of the Koch dynasty, two Brahmins named Siddhantavagisa and Vidyavagisa were brought from Gauda and Siddhantavagisa was responsible for the spread of Hinduism in the Koch Kingdom. Even during the reign of Koch King Prannarayana (1633-1655), Brahmins were brought from Mithila to serve in the Koch Kingdom and this process was later continued by the Ahom state especially under the Tungkhungia Ahom kings. The migration of Brahmins into Assam took place from Central Himalayas as well. Most of these migration took place due to the foreign invasions in North India and on the invitation by the local rulers.” (Dikshit & Dikshit 2013, p. 390)
“During the Maraka period in the Epic Age the migration of Aryans from Mithila to Assam greatly influenced the Austric and Bodo culture. Placing our reliance upon native chronicles as well as other evidence we can state that during the early period right from the time of Yudhisthira (about 5 thousand years ago) the Jaintias were under the influence of Brahmanical rulers, as a result of which they accepted Aryanised faiths and practice. Their religious customs, ceremonies and priesthood system are strikingly similar to those of Hindus. The cult of Saivism and Tantrikism further developed among the Khasis, the Jaintias and the Garos. From the Epic Age to the 12th Century A.D. the relations of the Khasis and the Jaintias with the rulers of Kamarupa, Bengal, Mithila and other neighbouring areas moulded their way of life. Both the Brahmin and Buddhist priests from Bengal as a result of their frequent visits to their places and cultural fellowship certainly might have influenced the various grades of their culture. The Garos, relations with the rulers of Kamarupa between 7th and 13th century gradually shaped their sociocultural pattern. The early rulers of the North-Cachar Hills maintained their relations with the Epic Heroes and the rulers of Hill- Tipperah by borrowing various cultural traits. On the basis of the literary evidences, native chronicles and other historical evidence we can unfold this latent fact that the Hill cacharis had close contacts with Epic Heroes and Aryan rulers. As a result of this contact the process of their Hinduisation soon followed which can be proved on the basis of numerous evidences. In the Mikir Hills innumerable archaeological finds of Hindu temples and images prove that they were under the control of the Varman, the Mlechha and the Pala dynasties. The political and cultural relations of the Tipperah Kings with the rulers of Kamarupa, Bengnl and with several Brahmins from Mithila greatly determined the shape of their early culture and civilisation. On the basis of some valuable evidences we can affirm that as a result of the relations of Tipperah tribes with Aryan rulers as well as Brahmaputra on the north to Udaipur on the Gomti on the south and then back again to Agartala where the present Raj has had the seat of Government. It is worthy of remark that in ancient Tipperah the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism extended far and wide. Due to migration of the Brahmins from central India or Gangetic belt, Kamarupa and Mithila the tribal religion of the Tipras got modified by Hinduism and consequently the Hindu culture became predominant. One of the noticeable features is here the rapid spread of the cult of Savism and Tantricism associated with human sacrifices in the early period of Tipperah history. As a result of the new development a system of mixed form of worshipping the fourteen gods and goddesses emerged. During the time of Trilochan Saivism became the national religion. These fourteen gods and goddesses known as Siva, Durga, Vishuu, Lakshmi, Sarswati, Kartik, Ganesha, Brahma, Earth Sea, The Ganges, Fir or Angi, Kama or Cupid, and Himadri or the Himalayan mountain represented by symbols and small earthern monds were worshiped in a temple situated at Udaipur, the old capital of Tripura. According to Annual Report (1921-22) of Archaeological survey of India 46 Unokoti Tirtha situated in between Dharmanagar and Kailashar, and its neibourhood have always been sacred to worship of Siva at least from 8th to 9th centuries, if not earlier. During the Pala period of Bengal and especially in 12th century Saivism was greatly patronized. About the influence of Buddhism R.M. Nath informs us that 'Pag-bsam-bjon' a Tibetan book of Lama Taranath states that being molested by the Turks in central and Northern India many Buddhists migrated towards the east and found a safe shelter in the land of the Kukis. A small state comprising portions of modern Cachar, Tipperah and Assam was named Nan-Gata and was inhabited by Buddhists. According to N.R. Roychoudhury the discovery of a colossal stone image of Avolokitesvara (9th century A.D.), number of old stone images, terracotta temple plaques and sealings depicting the attack of Bakthiar Khilji in the early Medieval period. They are also not Indo-Mongoloid as erroneously supposed by many scholars. Hiuen-Tsang brought to light a very interesting point that the tree and serpent worship of the old Nagas including the Manipur Nagas was based on Buddhist beliefs. This Chinese source can be further supported by Greek source. The Periplus also states that the Tibetans of remote pre-historic time were worshippers of trees and serpents. Their descendants have got connections with Bengal, Ceylon, Burma, Tibet, Siam and China as bulwarks of Buddhism. The fabric of tribal civilisation has been woven by both internal and external threads. Besides the religious, cultural and other factors their contacts with the outer world largely affected the course and currents of their civilisation. During the Naraka period in the Epic Age, the migration of Aryans from Mithila to Assam greatly influenced the Austric and Bodo culture. Placing our reliance upon Native Chronicles as well as other evidence, we can state that during the early period right from the time of Yudhisthira (about 5 thousand Years ago) the Jaintias were under the influence of Brahmanical rulers, as a result of which they accepted Aryanised faiths and practices. Their religious customs, ceremonies and priesthood system are strikingly similar to that of Gangetic Hindus. From the Epic Age to the 12th Century A.D. the relations of the Khasis and the Jaintias with the rulers of Kamarupa, Bengal, Mithila and other neighbouring rulers moulded their way of life. Both the Brahmin and Buddhist priests from Bengal, as a result of their frequent visits to these places and cultural fellowship, might have influenced the various grades of their culture. The Garos' relations with the rulers of Kamarupa between 7th and 13th Centuries gradually shaped their socio-cultural pattern.” (Historical Researches Into Some Aspects of the Culture and Civilization of North-East India, By G. P. Singh · 2009)
“Comparison can at times be misleading and is more likely to be so when the subject of discussion is as contrasting as the Nepalis and Bangladeshis in India. An attempt is made in this article to trace the origin and migration of Nepalis and Bangladeshis with reference to Assam in particular and Northeast India in general, for nowhere else has the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration and Nepali presence raised so much heat and controversy as in this region. A Bangladeshi is obviously a citizen of Bangladesh; the term does not admit of any other interpretation. But a Nepali may not always be a citizen of Nepal. He may be a citizen of India, the US, the UK or even China. And the commonality amongst them all is their mother tongue Nepali. A few scholars have used 'Nepali' to mean an Indian Nepali and 'Nepalese' to denote a national of Nepal. I agree that nothing could be better than having two distinct terms, one identifying an Indian Nepali and the other a citizen of Nepal, but such terms should, at the same time, be distinguishable in other Indian languages as well and not just in English, as the above distinction does. Ancient Assam had close link with Nepal. The kingdom of Kamarupa then extended upto Bihar which was a part of the Gorkha kingdom. Hutton in his The Origin of Races and Religion in India, says: 'The Brahmins and Kayasthas of Assam are all imported from northern India, mostly from north Bihar (Mithila)’.” (Indian Nepalis, Issues and Perspectives, 2009)
The following section discusses various cases relating to the governing law of succession in Hindu families in Mithila and Bengal. It highlights the importance of the religious rites and ceremonies, customs, and usages of the family in determining which law should govern the right of succession. The cases deal with situations where families migrated from one region to another but retained their customs and religious observances according to their original place of origin. The extract also discusses the different laws of succession prevailing in different regions of India, such as the Mitakshara and Dayabhaga. Overall, the passage provides insights into the complexity of Hindu succession laws and the importance of customs and usages in determining the applicable law. This section mentions Bengal and Mithila in the context of discussing the governing law of succession in Hindu families. It highlights how the law in force in Mithila or Tirhoot must govern the succession to the property, even if part of the property is situated in Bengal. It also discusses how families that migrated from Bengal to other regions such as Midnapore and Poornea retained their customs and religious observances according to the laws in force in Bengal, such as the Dayabhaga.
“[.....] had uniformly retained the religious observances and ceremonies of Mithila, it was Held, in a suit to recover the estate of the last male proprietor instituted by the maternal first cousin of the deceased, who claimed to be entitled according to the law in force in Bengal, that the Hindu law in force in Mithila or Tirhoot must govern the succession to the property, though part of Napore, which had been in the possession for the property consisted of land situated in Bengal, and the last proprietor was domiciled there. By that law no relation on the mother’s side can inherit until those on the father’s side to the seventh degree have been exhausted. The parties in possession, in the present case, being descended in the sixth degree in the paternal line, were therefore to be preferred to the plaintiff. Upon a claim to the inheritance of a zemindary situated in Middle period anterior to the institution of the suit of a family of Sutgop Brahmins who had migrated from Bengal to Midnapore, but had retained their laws and performed their religious ceremonies, according to the Dayabhaga and other authorities in force in Bengal. Held, that the succession to the property must be governed by the law of the Dayabhaga and not by that of the Mitakshara which prevailed in Midnapore. According to the Dayabhaga the mother’s brother’s sons of the person last seised are preferred to a person in the seventh remove in the male line from the common ancestor. But according to the Mitakshara law, the descendant from the common ancestor in the seventh remove would be preferred to the mother’s brother’s sons. The title to lands in Poornea, being in dispute, upon the question whether the Mithila or Bengal law is to regulate the succession, the test to be applied is, the form and character of the reli- gious rites and ceremonies and the usages of the family. Where, therefore, a family of Bengali Sudra Sutgops, who had migrated at a remote period from the Southwest of Bengal to the district of Poornea, where the Mithila law was in force, and had adopted and performed their religious rites and ceremonies, according to the law of Mithila. Held, affirming the decree of the Sudder Court, that the Mithila law in such case must govern the right of succession. According to that law, the widow of an undivided member alleges it of joint Hindu family is not entitled to succeed to the share of her deceased husband in the undivided family property, but only to maintenance. A Hindu family migrated many generations ago from Mithila, where the Mitakshara law prevails; and settled in Bengal where the Dhayahaga prevails, and acquired real and personal property there. The family remained joint, retaining their customs, usages and religious observances as before their migration, according to the doctrines of Mitakshara: Held, on a question of succession that the Mitakshara, and not the Dhayabhaga, the lexloci, was the governing authority to determine the rights of succession. The presumption is that the members of the family so migrating continue such family customs, and the Onus of proving the cessation of such customs lies on the party who [....] The prevalence in any part of India of a special course of descent in a family, differing from the ordinary course of descent in that place of the property of people of that class custom of the family. It must have had a legal origin and have continuance, and whether the [....] According to the Bengal law she would be or race, stands on the footing of usage, or entitled to succeed to the share of her deceased husband for life.” (Digest of All the Cases Relating to India, By Reginald M. A. Branson · 1881)
The following two sections provided below delve into different aspects of the cultural and social landscape of Mithila, an ancient region located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. The first passage highlights the complexity of interpreting folk songs in Mithila, which is influenced by the region's diverse geography, climate, and food habits. The author discusses the significance of the river Ganges in the south of Mithila, which is considered a sacred river by Hindus. However, the author also acknowledges the perplexing nature of the issue and how it can be challenging to interpret the meaning of the South in Mithila. In contrast, the second excerpt focuses on the history and culture of the Maithili Brahmins, who are known for their contributions to Sanskrit literature, poetry, and philosophy. The passage also highlights the trend of Brahmins to represent themselves as pure and original ones by emphasizing their relationship with western Brahmin scholars. Overall, both excerpts offer a glimpse into the rich cultural and social heritage of Mithila, highlighting the diverse influences and complexities of this ancient region.
The first extract discusses the complexity of interpreting folk songs in the region of Mithila, which is situated in a geographically diverse area of Nepal and India with distinct cultural differences. While folk songs have the ability to be interpreted in different ways, it is important to critically evaluate these interpretations and understand the broader context of the region. The second section discusses the historical invention of Kulaji texts, which were created by Maithili Brahmins to prove their purity and superiority over other Brahmanas. The excerpt argues that these texts were likely created as an anti-Buddhist propaganda during the Pala rule, and were used to elevate the social status of Maithili Brahmins. The third excerpt highlights the contribution of Sanskrit scholarship in the region of Mithila, particularly through the works of the famous poet Vidhyapati and the study of Navya-Nyaya philosophy. The excerpt also mentions the reputation of Maithili Brahmin priests for their Sanskrit scholarship in other pilgrimage sites.
“[....] limited documentary function acting as a definitive geographic trace in a regional setting? By locating this song in the immediate geography of Mithila, we may find Morang, Nepal, in the north. This has always been a disease prone, hilly, and wild territory in the psychogeography of Mithila. Bengal and Assam are identified with the east and with the fears of Tantra and tea plantations, respectively. One may equate the west with the regions of Bhojpur and Awadh. In terms of climate, culture, and food habits, these are quite distinct from Mithila. For example, while Maithil Brahmins are predominantly Shakta (one who worships Shakti/Goddesses) and customarily eat fish and meat, these are considered as profane in the Brahmanical tradition of Bhojpur and Awadh. For Mithila, the immediate south is the river Ganges, the most pious river for Hindus with a capacity to wash the guilt and free a human being from all the sins. Folksongs are powerful as they have the endurance to accommodate our interpretation. We interpret them, identify with their content and essence in our own ways. Through such interpretations, they continue to remain relevant and attract our cultural selves. In such a zone of meaning making, it is difficult to resist the pull. However, with a little persuasion of our critical faculty, we also realise another possibility of contradictory interpretations. For example, the South of Mithila is also the region of Magadh, a forbidden territory in the cultural geography of Maithili Brahmins. Secondly, it is not very difficult to empirically establish that a good number of folksongs and other such registers, in fact, share a lot of common elements and concerns across Maithili, Bhojpuri, Magahi, Angika and even with Avadhi and Braj. This makes the issue perplexing, and we are left wondering not with what the south mean in Mithila but how to look at the South? As you will notice the reference to the Ganges in the South is unmistakable, yet it does not stop me from thinking about the South in the way I have outlined above. In the process, defying the prescription of woman who stayed in the palace, I travelled towards the west.” (Home, Belonging and Memory in Migration, Leaving and Living, 2021)
“[....] as reliable sources of evidence. Because all the branches or Śrences of Brahmanas try to prove their purity and superiority in these texts. Another point to note is that the dates of migration of the five Brahmanas have been found to be different in different books and they fall within the period of eighth and eleventh century A.D. The scholars of Bengal also could not prove with documents the existence of a king named Adiśūra in Bengal. But, it may be suggested that this Adiśūra perhaps had ruled over a small portion of northern Bengal and Mithila as a Samanta king during the Pala rule. This information is obtained from the writings of a Maithili Brahmin scholar Vachaspati Miśra of ninth century who was present in the court of Adiśūra. It can be presumed that, as the Päla monarchs were staunch Buddhists, Maithili Brahmins might have given more attention to Adiśūra as an anti-Buddhist propaganda. The real cause of the invention of Kulaji texts perhaps has now come to light from the writings of one inscription, the Bangaon Copper Plate of Vigrahapala III which is discussed below. This epigraph throws sufficient light on the early social history, especially of Kulinism of Bengal. In this plate, we find the king Vigrahapala III granting a land, situated in a village of Tirabhukti division (modern Saharsa district in north Bihar, Mithila). The donee is Ghantuka Sarman, belonging to Sandilya gotra, studying the Chhandogya branch of Vedas, well-versed in Mimämsä, Vyakarana, and Tarkašastra, originally a resident of Kolancha and now living at Ittahaka or Ituhaka. This land originally belonged to one Maithili Brahmin, a royal employee Ghantisa by name who made this donation to one Koläncha Brähmin. The reason of this special kindness to him is described by his own proclamation. The great grandfather of the great grandfather of Ghantiŝa was Kachha, who migrated from Kolancha to Mithila. This distant relation with the Kolancha or Krorancha Brahmin led this Brahmin to declare himself as an offshoot of a Kolancha Brahmin which is of course a prestigious introduction of himself. And by this declaration, his position in the society was raised. This trend of the Brahmins to represent themselves as pure and original ones, due to their relationship with western Brahmin scholars [.....]” (The History and Culture of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar, Cir. 750 A.D. to Cir. 1200 A.D., By Jhunu Bagchi · 1993)
“[….] Sanskrit scholarship and the contribution of its many scholars to literature, poetry and philosophy. Mithila’s famous poet Vidhyapati of the fourteenth century was a devotee of Shiva. Scholars from Bengal were known to come to Mithila to study Navya-Nyaya or Neo-Logic philosophy. Mithila today is also known for its Maithili Brahmin priests who are often seen in other pilgrimage sites where they have a strong reputation for their scholarship in Sanskrit. As Maithili Brahmins spread over most parts of South Asia, the reasons prompting their migration have been the subject of much scholarly attention. Reasons for their general migration included, economic drivers, invitations from rulers of adjacent kingdoms (Jha 1991) such as in Nepal and Bengal, response to invasion or due to the disadvantage experienced by those lower in the hierarchy following the introduction of the Panji Prabandh, a hierarchically arranged genealogical record of the upper castes of Mithila (Jha, personal communication 2016). But little is known about how and when Maithili Brahmins arrived at Devghar and Sultanganj. It is possible that they may have come at different times given the long history of Maithili Brahmin migration (Jha 1991). The genealogical history of the Maithil priests obtained from notes supplied to Mitra by the Sardar (head) panda in 1883, mentions twelve Maithil Brahmins who had come over in the second half of the sixteenth century to officiate as priests at Vaidyanath (Baidyanath) where hermits had been worshipping for ages. This account is substantiated by Narayan’s (1983) research which found bahis from 350 years ago in the possession of pandas but barely any older than that.” (Walking with Pilgrims, The Kanwar Pilgrimage of Bihar, Jharkhand and the Terai of Nepal, By Ruma Bose · 2019)
The following section's first passage provides information about the settlements of Abors, Daphlas, and Miris in Assam, India. It mentions that Abors are recent settlers and that Daphlas once had a settlement as far west as Hakomata, which was abandoned for sites further east. The passage also discusses the immigration of Brahmans to the region, stating that they were among the oldest Hindu settlers in the Brahmaputra valley and that several immigrations of Brahmans took place in Assam. The Brahmins held a prominent position in society and were known for their Vedic scholarship. The second passage talks about the migration of Saraswat Brahmins from Videha to the Konkan region in India. It suggests that economic reasons may have been the main factor for their migration, as Buddhism had considerably loosened the bonds of Brahminism, leading to a decline in the practice of Vedic rituals and sacrifices. The passage also touches upon the Brahmins' views on the Vedas as the highest scriptural authority and the prevalence of Shiva worship in the early centuries of the Christian era. The third passage discusses the Kalita caste, the most populous caste in Assam. It provides different accounts of their origin and migration, suggesting that they may have been originally Kayasthas or descendants of Kshatriyas who fled from Parasurama's wrath. The Kalitas are said to have assumed a new name and formed a separate caste after taking up agriculture. The passage notes that opinions differ as to their place in the caste system, with some suggesting they are non-Vedic Aryans who entered Assam before the arrival of Vedic Aryans.
“The Abors, it will be seen, are quite recent settlers. Daphlas are found in the western part of North Lakhimpur and the eastern part of Darrang. They once had a settlement so far west as Hakomata, within 27 miles of Tezpur, but it was abandoned some years ago for sites further east. The number returned by the census has since been augmented by new colonies of immigrants in 1882 and 1883. The increase among the Miris is remarkable, and must be ascribed chiefly to immigration. Two remarks are due to the reputation of these tribes. Brahmans are among the oldest of the Hindu settlers in the valley of the Brahmaputra. They penetrated to the farthest northeastern corner under the Hindu and Chutiya dynasties which preceded the Ahom invasion, and we find them mentioned subsequently among the inhabitants of the rising kingdom of the Ahoms. In Lower Assam several immigrations of Brahmans are known to have taken place. The Rajas of Kamatapur, whose dominions extended into Kamrup, imported a number of Brahmans from Mithila or Bihar in the 13th or 14th century, some of whom must have settled permanently in that part of Assam. Early in the 16th century the great Koch ruler Viswa Singh introduced a number of Brahmans either directly from Oudh or through Sylhet, whose descendants in the Rangpur District are known as Kamrupi Brahmans to the present day. Soon after this we find the Ahom Kings repelling the first attack of Viswa Singh’s successor by an army of Sudras disguised as Brahmans, riding on cows, and wearing the Brahminical thread. Some thirty years later (about 1640 A.D.) the Ahom king deprived these pseudo-Brahmins of their sacred threads, and restricted [.....]” (Report on the Census of Assam for 1881, By Assam (India) · 1883)
“According to the Puranic traditions, that it was from Tirhut that Parashuram got them to settle down in Goa. The Saraswats in the Gadaparva of the Maha Bharat gives us, also, an account of another very early migration, which was perhaps directly from the banks of the Sarasvati on to the West coast of the Sahyadris. In that case, this must be another migration, quite a different one from the other migration, described in the Shatapatha. There is a great probability that these Brahmins had to leave Videha on economic grounds. Mithila became the headquarters of Buddhism by the time, Sanskrit had lost its influence as the lingua franca and got broken up into countless Prakrit dialecta. The rise of Buddhism moreover considerably loosened the bonds of the old religion of Brahminism with its innumerable rituals, sacrifices, etc. In fact it gave a deadly blow to ritualism. The Saraswat Brahmins were past masters in all these intricate ceremonies and they lived and maintained themselves on that. But the check which the Buddhism gave to Brahminism, especially the principle of Ahimsa – "Killing is Sin" – made the great sacrifices fall into disuse. Vedic scholarship which was essentially necessary for the careful performance of the sacrifices, must have got to be a superfluous commodity on the market. Consequently the means of subsistence for these Brahmins was evaporated and that is why the great trek to the fertile fields of the Konkan took place. That is how these Brahmins thoroughly saturated with Vedantism looked upon the Vedas as the highest scriptural authority. As already mentioned, the worship of God Shiva was prevalent under one name or other in the early centuries of the Christian era. There is a bold surmise that Buddha and his followers were really responsible for the growth of image worship. Dr. Bhandarkar and Rameshchandra Dutt have been of opinion that the spread of idol worship was due to Buddhism. Sermons and meditation were very well, for the Buddhistic monks, brought [....]” (Vaishnavism of the Gowd Saraswat Brahmins, And a Few Konkani Folklore Tales, By V. P. Chavan · 1991)
“The Brahmins are considered to be one of the oldest of the Hindu settlers in Assam. During the Chutiya dynasty some Brahmin families came to the northeastern corner of the Brahmaputra valley. That happened before the coming of the Ahoms. During the 13th or 14th century several waves of migration brought some Brahmin families to this region from Mithila or North Bihar at the initiative of the local kings. Another migration took place in the 16th century. After that they were coming to Assam at different times. The Kalitas form the most populous caste of Assam. Perhaps it may be said that the Kalita caste is a speciality of Assamese caste system. Opinions differ as regards to their origin, migration and occupation. One account suggests that, they were originally Kayasthas, but as they took to agriculture they assumed a new name and formed a separate caste. According to another account they are the descendants of the Kshatriyas who fled from the wrath of Parasurama and to conceal their caste identity they threw away their sacred thread and thus became Kulalupta or Kalita. Others say that they are not Kshatriyas, they entered Assam before the coming of the Vedic Aryans and thus they are non-Vedic Aryans.” (The Peoples of Assam, By Bhuban Mohan Das · 1987)
The Brahmins were considered the best scholars of their time and held a prominent position as Vedic scholars and priests. They were thoroughly conversant with the complex and difficult Vedic rituals and maintained their mastery of these practices as they migrated from their original home in the Saraswati river towards the east, eventually settling in Trihotrapur in Mithila and becoming known as Gowd Saraswat Brahmins. The Shatapatha Brahman provides an account of this migration in its 1st Khand, 4th Chapter. In addition to their migration, the Gowd Saraswat Brahmins have also been impacted by the spread of idol worship, which is believed to have been propagated by Buddhism. However, the Smarta tradition, to which these Brahmins belong, considers "Hari and Har" as two different aspects of the same God and practices equal devotion to both Vishnu and Shiva. The Brahmins have also had a significant impact on the history of Assam. They are considered to be one of the oldest Hindu settlers in the region, with several waves of migration taking place over the centuries, including during the Chutiya dynasty, at the initiative of local kings, and in the 16th century.
In conclusion, the history of the Gowd Saraswat Brahmins is a rich tapestry of migration, religious transformation, and social evolution. Their journey from the banks of the Saraswati river to the West coast of India and their impact on the history of Assam is a testament to their resilience and adaptability in the face of changing circumstances and cultural shifts. Today, while they may have taken up other occupations for their livelihood, they continue to hold their place as a highly intelligent and cultured community with a deep connection to their roots and traditions.
This describes the history and migration of the Gowd Saraswat Brahmins, a Hindu community who are considered to be some of the earliest settlers in Goa. They were known for their expertise in Vedic scriptures and rituals and were brought to the region of Goa by the Hindu god Parashuram. The Brahmins later migrated to the fertile lands of Videha in Northern Bihar and were known as Gowd Saraswat Brahmins. According to tradition, their migration from the banks of the Saraswati river to the East is described in the Shatapatha Brahman. The Brahmins are also said to have settled in Assam at different times, with some families coming to the region during the Chutiya dynasty and others in the 16th century. The text also mentions the possible reasons for their migration, including the rise of Buddhism, which loosened the bonds of Brahminism, and the disappearance of the demand for Vedic scholarship and ritualism.
The history of migration and the way language changes hands highlights the interconnectedness and fluidity of human identity and culture. As individuals and communities move from one place to another, they bring with them their own traditions, customs, and languages, which often merge and mix with those of the new location, leading to the creation of new identities and cultures. This process of migration and cultural exchange can be seen in the history of literary figures like Jyotiprasad Agarwal and Kazi Nazrul Islam, whose ancestors migrated to new places and became part of new literary traditions. Similarly, the origin and migration history of different Brahmin communities in India, such as the Gaud Saraswat Brahmins, highlight the complex and intertwined nature of cultural and linguistic identities.
The two excerpts provided delve into different aspects of the cultural and social landscape of Mithila, an ancient region located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. The first passage highlights the complexity of interpreting folk songs in Mithila, which is influenced by the region’s diverse geography, climate, and food habits. The author discusses the significance of the river Ganges in the south of Mithila, which is considered a sacred river by Hindus. However, the author also acknowledges the perplexing nature of the issue and how it can be challenging to interpret the meaning of the South in Mithila. In contrast, the second excerpt focuses on the history and culture of the Maithili Brahmins, who are known for their contributions to Sanskrit literature, poetry, and philosophy. The passage also highlights the trend of Brahmins to represent themselves as pure and original ones by emphasizing their relationship with western Brahmin scholars. Overall, both excerpts offer a glimpse into the rich cultural and social heritage of Mithila, highlighting the diverse influences and complexities of this ancient region. [Source: Geeti Sen, "Crossing Boundaries" (1997)]
The author argues that the emphasis on language in contemporary India is hindering national integration. They illustrate this point by recounting the stories of two literary figures, Jyotiprasad Agarwal and Kazi Nazrul Islam, whose families migrated to new regions and became part of new linguistic and cultural traditions.
"In today’s India, the fetish over language does disservice to our national integration. How language changes hands can be understood with the history of two literary giants of Eastern India: Jyotiprasad Agarwal and Kazi Nazrul Islam. The Agarwal family settled in Assam and, in course of time, Jyotiprasad became one of the makers of modern Assamese literature. In a similar way, the ancestors of Kazi Nazrul Islam emigrated from Patna in Bihar during the reign of the last Mughal emperor, to settle down in Churulia village in Burdwan. Who could dream in those days that one of their progenies would be in future the stormy petrel of Bengal, presaging Indian independence. When I first stepped into Calcutta in the early thirties, the city was in turmoil. Close upon the non-cooperation movement, self immolation of revolutionary heroes was almost a daily affair. On one of those days, as a child, I attended a Tagore lecture in the Senate Hall on prosody, without understanding a word. Another time, I accompanied our landlord to visit his imprisoned brother at Alipore Central Jail. As a bonus I had direct access to a vivacious Subhas Chandra Bose greeting a fresh batch of young volunteers in person. As a newcomer to the city, I thanked my stars when my father directed my attention towards a car and said with excitement, 'Look! It is Nazrul..." I had only a glimpse of the glowing face of the long-haired man. I cursed my luck as the car approached the same place which we had left only a few minutes ago. It was the residence of Sabitriprasanna Chattopadhyay, the well-known editor of Upasana, and author of several books of poems. We hailed from the same village." (Crossing Boundaries, 1997, Geeti Sen)
“The Gaud Saraswat Brahmins, also known as Goud or Gawd, are a Hindu Brahmin community of the north of India. According to the Skanda Purana, the Konkani speaking Gaud Saraswat of Goa and southern India are descendants of these Gaud Saraswat Brahmins who migrated to Konkan from Gaud. The origin of the word "Gaud" is uncertain, with some authors suggesting it may have been taken from Ghaggar, with "Goud" and "Saraswat" having the same meaning of an individual residing on the banks of river Saraswati.
“According to Sahyadrikhanda, the Chitpavan and Karhade Brahmins are "new creations of base-origins" and not part of the "established Gaud or Dravid groups". Parashuram is said to have brought ten sages from North India, specifically Trihotra (Tirhut, Mithila, North Bihar) to Goa for performing ancestral rites, fire sacrifice, and dinner offerings. The fourth chapter of Sahyadrikhanda describes the gotras of these Brahmins and praises them as "best Brahmins, honored by the kings, good-looking, with righteous behavior, and expert in all rites".
“The Gauḍa Sārasvat Brahmins from southern India often faced challenges in being accepted as Brahmins by the surrounding Dravid Brahmins. In the late 19th century, the GSB leaders wrote books and articles, gave public speeches, and cited documentary evidence in the native Indian as well as the English court of law to prove that they belonged to the Northern stock of Brahmins.
“However, the claim of the Gaud Saraswat Brahmins as to their northern origin is not without controversy. Bambardekar believes that the Pancha Dravid Brahmins are the original Gauda Brahmins and cites a verse from the Skanda Puran to prove his assertion, thus not accepting the Gauda or Brahmin claim of the Gauda Saraswats. Some modern scholars, like Hewitt, consider the Sahyadrikhanda to be corrupted by many modifications and interpolations to the original. Madhav Deshpande cites the 4th verse from chapter I, as an example, which he considers a "sloppy interpolation" to get Trihotra (Mithila) in the list of Brahmin migrations, as the Gaud Saraswats are said to have migrated from Trihotra in northern India as per the text.
“In conclusion, the history of migration of Maithili Brahmins from Mithila to Assam and Bengal is a complex and controversial topic, with different interpretations and claims about the origin and migration of the community. While some believe that the Gaud Saraswat Brahmins are descendants of Brahmins from the north, others believe they are not original Brahmins and have a different origin. The debate continues with different scholars providing different perspectives and interpretations.” (Deshpande, M.M. (2010). "Pañca Gauḍa and Pañca Drāviḍa: Contested borders of a traditional classification".)
The above-cited text provides various examples of how the laws of inheritance and succession in India can vary depending on the region and the customs and traditions of the family in question. In some cases, the law of the region (lex loci) where the property is located may apply, while in others, the customs and traditions of the family may take precedence. For instance, in a suit to recover the estate of the last male proprietor, it was held that the Hindu law in force in Mithila or Tirhoot must govern the succession to the property, even though it was part of Napore and the last proprietor was domiciled there. This was because the parties in possession were descendants in the sixth degree in the paternal line, and the Hindu law of Mithila or Tirhoot stipulated that no relation on the mother's side could inherit until those on the father's side to the seventh degree have been exhausted. Similarly, in the case of a family of Bengali Sudra Sutgops who had migrated to Poornea, it was held that the Mithila law must govern the right of succession, as the family had adopted and performed their religious rites and ceremonies according to the law of Mithila. On the other hand, a Hindu family that had migrated many generations ago from Mithila to Bengal, where the Dhayabhaga prevails, was held to be governed by the Mitakshara law, as the family remained joint and retained their customs, usages, and religious observances according to the doctrines of Mitakshara.
In conclusion, the laws of inheritance and succession in India can vary greatly depending on the region, the customs and traditions of the family, and the origin and continuance of a special course of descent in a family. The onus of proving the cessation of such customs lies on the party who challenges them.
The movement of Maithili Brahmins from Mithila to Assam and Bengal, which occurred a few ages prior, fundamentally affected the social behaviour and social scene of the locales they got comfortable with. Maithili Brahmins, who were known for their elevated degree of training and intellectualism, carried with them the rich social practices of Mithila and assumed a significant part in spreading their impact across the locales they got comfortable with.
In Bengal, Maithili Brahmins assumed a huge part in the improvement of Hindu culture and religion, and large numbers of them were researchers, ministers, and educators. They helped protect and advance the strict practices and customs of Mithila, and a significant number of their relatives keep on following these practices even today.
In Assam, Maithili Brahmins assumed a comparable part in the social and strict improvement of the locale. They carried with them the practices of Mithila and helped spread the impact of their way of life across Assam. They likewise assumed a significant part in the spread of schooling and learning in the districts and a considerable lot of them were regarded researchers and educators.
The impact of Maithili Brahmins should be visible in different parts of the social behaviour and social scene of the districts they got comfortable with. For instance, their impact should be visible in the improvement of the language and writing of Assam and Bengal, as well as in the spread of Hindu strict practices and customs. They likewise made huge commitments to the fields of training, regulation, and organization, and their effect is as yet felt today. Generally, the relocation of Maithili Brahmins from Mithila to Assam and Bengal fundamentally affected the culture and social improvement of these locations.
The history of migration of Maithili Brahmins from Mithila to Assam and Bengal has been a subject of much scholarly attention. The migration of the five Brahmanas occurred during the eighth and eleventh century A.D., according to various texts. Scholars have suggested that Adiśūra, a king whose existence could not be proven, may have ruled over a small portion of northern Bengal and Mithila as a Samanta king during the Pala rule. Maithili Brahmins might have given more attention to Adiśūra as an anti-Buddhist propaganda, as the Päla monarchs were staunch Buddhists. The Bangaon Copper Plate of Vigrahapala III suggests that Maithili Brahmins migrated to Bengal. Ghantuka Sarman, a Maithili Brahmin, belonged to Sandilya gotra, studying the Chhandogya branch of Vedas, and was originally a resident of Kolancha and now living at Ittahaka or Ituhaka. This trend of the Brahmins to represent themselves as pure and original ones, due to their relationship with western Brahmin scholars, increased their position in society.
The Maithili Brahmins' migration from Mithila to other parts of South Asia had various reasons, such as economic drivers, invitations from rulers of adjacent kingdoms, response to invasion, or the introduction of the Panji Prabandh, a hierarchically arranged genealogical record of the upper castes of Mithila. It is possible that they may have come at different times given the long history of Maithili Brahmin migration. The genealogical history of the Maithil priests obtained from notes supplied to Mitra by the Sardar (head) panda in 1883, mentions twelve Maithil Brahmins who had come over in the second half of the sixteenth century to officiate as priests at Vaidyanath (Baidyanath).
In the Brahmaputra valley, the Abors are quite recent settlers, while Daphlas are found in the western part of North Lakhimpur and the eastern part of Darrang. The Brahmans are among the oldest of the Hindu settlers in the valley of the Brahmaputra. The number of Miris increased remarkably, and immigration must be ascribed as the cause.
Maithili Brahmins have also made significant contributions to Sanskrit scholarship, literature, poetry, and philosophy. Famous poet Vidhyapati of the fourteenth century was a devotee of Shiva, and scholars from Bengal were known to come to Mithila to study Navya-Nyaya or Neo-Logic philosophy. Maithili Brahmin priests are also highly regarded for their scholarship in Sanskrit and can be found in various pilgrimage sites throughout South Asia.
The genealogical history of Maithil priests, obtained from notes supplied to Mitra by the Sardar (head) panda in 1883, mentions twelve Maithil Brahmins who arrived in the second half of the sixteenth century to officiate as priests at Vaidyanath (Baidyanath). According to Narayan's research, bahis from 350 years ago were found in the possession of pandas, but barely any older than that. This suggests that Maithili Brahmins may have arrived at Devghar and Sultanganj at different times given the long history of their migration.
Sources, books and citations such as "The History and Culture of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar, Cir. 750 A.D. to Cir. 1200 A.D.," by Jhunu Bagchi (1993) and "Walking with Pilgrims, The Kanwar Pilgrimage of Bihar, Jharkhand and the Terai of Nepal," by Ruma Bose (2019) have been attributed in this essay.
This section discusses the low caste consciousness among Bengalis compared to the rest of India, and suggests possible reasons for this phenomenon. One explanation could be the late arrival of Brahmins to Bengal, which led to a less rigid caste structure. Additionally, the historical intermingling of different castes and tribes in Bengal before the arrival of Brahmins also contributed to this less rigid structure. Genetic research shows that Bengali non-Brahmins have substantial East Asian ancestry, while Bengali Brahmins have less of this. The section also discusses the asymmetry of admixture and how it relates to elite dominance and patriarchy. Finally, the section mentions the Harijan movement of Gandhi and its limited impact on Bengal due to the lack of genuine interest among the general population and the suggestion of going back to the varna system, which could stifle upward social mobility for the lowest caste elites.
According to a recent paper, there was a single pulse of admixture between South and East Asians in the environs of what is today Bangladesh around 500 A.D. The traditional accounts for the arrival of Brahmins to Bengal suggests a period around and after 1000 A.D. This suggests that before the arrival of the Brahmins, different castes and tribes in Bengal had a major history of intermingling with each other. (Khan, 2013)
The West Bengal Brahmins (WBR) and tribal populations continued to admix until the emergence of the Buddhist Pala dynasty during the 8th to 12th centuries CE. The asymmetry of admixture, with ANI populations providing genomic inputs to tribal populations but not vice versa, is consistent with elite dominance and patriarchy. (Basu, Sarkar-Roy, & Majumder, 2016)
To elaborate on these extracts in this essay, we could use the above mentioned genetic evidence to support the argument that the low caste consciousness among Bengalis is due to the fact that the arrival of Brahmins to Bengal was late and that different castes and tribes in Bengal had a history of intermingling with each other. The first extract suggests that the admixture between South and East Asians occurred before the arrival of Brahmins to Bengal, which could explain the significant East Asian ancestry among Bengali non-Brahmins. The second extract provides evidence of elite dominance and patriarchy, which could explain the asymmetry of admixture and the reluctance of upper castes to induct offspring from outside their caste. Overall, these extracts support the idea that Bengalis have a unique caste system that differs from the rest of India due to historical and cultural factors.
"The low caste consciousness among Bengalis in comparison to the rest of India may be due to the late arrival of Brahmins, particularly the Maithili Brahmins, Kannauj Brahmins, and Benaras Brahmins, to the Bengali land. The traditional account suggests that Brahmins arrived in Bengal around and after 1000 A.D, which was later than in other parts of India. Bengal was also one of the last redoubts of institutional Buddhism in northern India, which may have had less need for the services of Brahmins. According to recent genetic research, there was a single pulse of admixture between South and East Asians in the environs of what is today Bangladesh, which occurred after 500 A.D. The Bengali non-Brahmins have substantial East Asian ancestry, while the Bengali Brahmins have far less of this, with a double 'NE Euro' component than non-Brahmins." (Khan, 2013)
Notwithstanding, the Bengal Brahmins are as yet an engineered local population with some admixture, and their East Asian division is prominently higher than somewhere else in South Asia. As per the Genomic recreation of the historical backdrop of surviving populaces of India, the unevenness of admixture, with ANI populaces giving genomic contributions to ancestral populaces yet not the other way around, is steady with tip top strength and male controlled society. Men from predominant populaces, potentially upper castes, with high ANI parts mated beyond their position, yet their posterity were not permitted to be accepted into the standing.
The low rank cognizance may likewise be because of the way that various castes and clans in Bengal had a significant history of blending with one another before the appearance of Brahmins, which brought about less unbending position structures. The customary records of the importation of five Brahmin families and five groups of Kayasthas brought to Bengal from Kanauj by Adi Sura Sena at an unmistakable verifiable period have been tested, and anthropometric examination has shown that even the Radhi, Varendra, and Vedic Brahmins of Bengal had a wide disparity from that of the Brahmins of the unified regions of North India and Mithila, and a nearby similarity to that of different classes in Bengal.
At long last, towards the start of the 1930s, the Harijan development of Gandhi was sought after in Bengal through the Common Leading body of the Workers of Untouchable Society, began in 1933, and government assistance exercises for the untouchables were embraced at various pieces of the area. Notwithstanding, there was not really any certified interest among the general individuals of Bengal, and, surprisingly, the most reduced standing elites felt less appreciation for his way of thinking as his idea of returning to the varna framework would positively smother their vertical social versatility. By the way, among the Aguris or Ugra Kshatriyas, and among the Brahmins, Baidyas, and Kayasthas, there were occasions in which intermarriages had occurred between two gatherings of a similar caste.
"[....] queen was a princess of Mithila, a kingdom in Bihar, while another is characterized simply as the daughter of a rajaputra (raja-putratanaya). The expression rajaputra-tanaya is rather curious for if she was the daughter of a king the proper term would have been rajaputri. It appears, therefore, that here rajaputra is a Sanskritization of the colloquial term Rajput. However, we still cannot presume that the Nepali kings were marrying princesses from Rajput dynasties of Rajasthan, Central India or the Panjab hills. More likely, they took wives from the many semi-independent feudal kingdoms which flourished in Eastern India at the time. Nepal’s relationship with Mithila is an ancient one and brahmans and pundits from that kingdom have enjoyed the patronage of the valley courts at least from the time of Sthitirajamalla, if not earlier. During the period under survey court culture in general and literature in particular were heavily influenced by Mithila. The languages were similar and the same dramas and didactic literature were popular in both areas. Along with Bengal, Mithila was a flourishing centre for mystical Vişnuism, especially the Krsna cult, which also appealed to Nepali Hindus. Certainly the influence of Bengali architecture is evident in seventeenth century stone temples, but whether Vaisnava paintings from this region were also familiar is more difficult to establish. This strong interest in Vişnuism does explain the greater popularity of Vaisnava paintings during the seventeenth century. Thus, there is little historical evidence to demonstrate a close relationship between Nepal and Rajasthan during the Malla period. The various kinds of rhetorical compositions, didactic poetry and drama which were popular in Rajasthan were hardly familiar in Nepal, where the taste in literature remained closer to that of Mithila or Bengal. Therefore, we are entirely dependent upon the paintings themselves to determine which particular Rajput school had so forcefully captured the artist’s imagination in late Malla Nepal. However, seventeenth century Nepali kings were deeply interested in Indian music and several, in fact, composed texts on musicology. It is not improbable that illuminated texts of the Ragamālā were brought into the valley from North India, possibly Rajasthan. Although we cannot demonstrate a direct intercourse between the Malla kings and the Rajput courts, it is possible that social exchanges were more common after the Shah conquest in 1769. The ancestors of the Shahs are said to have come to Gurkha from the Indian plains and they may have entered into matrimonial relations. Most probably, matrimonial alliances were made with chieftains from Mithila and Uttar Pradesh. Nepali royal families probably maintained a close relationship with the ruling family of Banaras." (The Arts of Nepal, Part II: Painting: With 220 Plates, By Pal · 2022)
The extract explores the migration history of various clans and communities in Bihar, with a particular focus on the Bhumihar Brahmins who migrated from Mithila. The author discusses the factors that led to this migration, such as the Aryan march and the establishment of kingdoms in the region. The extract sheds light on the social, linguistic and caste barriers that made it difficult for some groups to migrate freely. The Bhumihar Brahmins' migration has had a significant impact on the demographic and cultural makeup of Bihar, and their concentration in certain districts highlights the importance of historical migration patterns in shaping present-day communities.
“[.....] Allahabad of Uttar Pradesh, there are several families of Ambastha Kayasthas which indicate their relationship with that of the Pandya of Amodha. This process of clan migration is also valid for Karamwar, Sengar and Pamwar clan Rajputs, Kishnaut Ahir clan and Awadhia Kurmi clan of Saran district. But owing to linguistic, religious and caste barriers, free individual mobility was difficult, particularly for the lower income group. Similarly, it has been quite often expressed that the Tharu, a semi-tribal Hindu group of the north-western Dun hills area of west Champaran had come from Rajasthan after migration. In this Tharuhat area there lived one lakh seventy five thousand Tharus in several smaller villages e.g., Bakhri, Parsauni, Bankatba, Gaunaha, Jamunia, Bedauli, Gabrahia, Sherba, Masjidha, Belsandi, Rupwalia, Naurangia and Amolba, etc. and this clan has extended over 2048 square kilometres of land. In the process of settling in North Bihar (Mithila) after the Aryan march and flight of original tribal settlers, first of all, Videhas of Janakpur of Mithila and Lichchavis of Vaishali ruled over the region and by general opinion they were Rajputs of the Jyatri clan. With the Aryan march Brahmans also came to North Bihar but after receiving vast properties as a gift from the Rajputs, these landlords called themselves Bhumihar which is of a mixed origin of Rajput and Brahman as the people of this clan are not found in other parts of India except in North Bihar and the adjoining states of Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. In the medieval period Nanyadeo of Karnatak country established his kingdom in Mithila around A.D. 1097-1119 and he drove out Bhumihars from Mithila and settled there with the migrated Brahmans of Gujarat, Maharashtra and Karnatak region of western India, who had come with Nanyadeo. Bhumihars migrated to the vacant area of Begusarai and parts of Muzaffarpur districts. Hence, there are very few Bhumihar families in Mithila but they have become highly concentrated in Begusarai district and parts of Muzaffarpur. In the place of Bhumihar dominated villages, Kulin Brahmans of Gujarat established their zamindari and estatehood. For this fact the older and large population size villages of Mithila are occupied by the Panjibadh Kulin Brahmans and to serve them [....]” (Frontiers in Migration Analysis, 1981, Editor: R. B. Mandal)
